"On Residential Apartment Buildings"
In the twenty-fourth edition of the Memar Award, the residential apartment category had no first or second place winners, and the prize was given only to a third-place winner; it seems the jury deemed no project in this category worthy of the first or second ranks. Why? What is the reason? In this brief essay, an attempt is made, while briefly referencing the long history of residential apartment construction in the West, to find an answer to this question through a concise review of the developments in apartment living and apartment construction in Iranian cities (particularly in Tehran), over the past eighty years, in the periods before and after the Revolution:
1- The History of Apartment Construction in the West Looking at books on the history of urban form, such as History of Urban Form, Before the Industrial Revolution (by James Morris, 1974), and The History of the City: Islamic and European Cities in the Middle Ages (by Leonardo Benevolo, 1980), we can find numerous images of cities in ancient Rome, in medieval Europe, and likewise in most old Iranian cities that clearly illustrate this history. It is obvious that the reasons for building apartments in those eras were entirely different from the conditions and reasons that led to the spread and prevalence of apartment construction in post-Industrial Revolution Europe and later in all countries of the world. Among the factors one might cite are the density of the physical fabric of
medieval cities, which were enclosed within walls and could not easily expand, or the existence of natural and geographical barriers. The Industrial Revolution in Europe in the mid-eighteenth century was accompanied by an unprecedented population increase, the establishment of factories in cities and massive migrations to them, transformations in social classes, the formation of the working class, the rise of capitalists and bankers, and so forth, such that London's population reached one million by 1800, and Paris by 1850, and so on. As a consequence of these rapid changes, the cities we mentioned faced problems and challenges unprecedented in their history, one of the most important being the question of housing the population (especially workers and low-income classes), and turning to apartment construction seemed to be one of the solutions. In this regard, looking at the book Space, Time and Architecture (by Sigfried Giedion, 1941), we can become better acquainted with the "green squares" and residential neighborhoods in the first half of the nineteenth century in London (primarily for the wealthy), extensive street-building in Paris and apartment construction along both sides during the second half of the nineteenth century for the middle classes, and apartment construction carried out in Amsterdam within the framework of comprehensive plans for low-income and working classes.
A view of Via dei Proconsolo with the tower of the Palazzo del Capitano del Popolo, Florence. The market square of Nuremberg. A view of the River Pegnitz winding through the entire city of Nuremberg.
Bruges. The Grand Canal, Venice.
2- Apartment Living and Apartment Construction in Pre-Revolution Iran (1941-1978) 2-1- The beginning of apartment construction and apartment living in Iran (initially in Tehran, Isfahan, and Mashhad, and later in other major cities, etc.) can be traced to the establishment of Bank Rahni in January 1939 onward; Bank Rahni of Iran was founded by the Ministry of Finance with participation from Bank Melli Iran as a specialized bank in the field of housing and construction. The bank's activities in housing-related banking constituted its core mandate: providing loans against real estate mortgages for purchase, construction, completion, and repair, and extending credit to construction companies comprised the major portion of the bank's operations. Of course, the bank had made construction loan disbursement conditional upon submission of municipality-approved plans and also provided guidance to building owners through its own engineers on construction matters. Consequently, houses built with the financial assistance of Bank Rahni were solid and well-equipped structures. After the bank's regular operations were up and running and its subsidiary organizations were established and completed, from 1944 onward the bank entered into development activities with the aim of expanding its operations, including and especially the construction of housing and apartment
projects for middle- and low-income groups, executing extensive housing and apartment construction projects during its years of operation (until 1963, when it was merged into the newly established Ministry of Development and Housing), in Tehran and provincial cities, among which the following projects can be noted: - The "Chaharsad Dastgah" (Four Hundred Units) buildings for low-income government employees (1944-46), utilizing the services of German engineers who had remained in Iran. - The Isfahan Workers' Quarter buildings (1956-58). - The Nazi Abad blocks for flood victims from southern Tehran and city police officers (1961). - "Farah Quarter" residential buildings for senior government officials (1945). - The Apadana Township in Tehran (1971). - Apartment buildings in Tabriz (1971). - Apartment buildings for the national police force (1971). - Apartment buildings in Hamadan (1975). - The Royal Guard apartments (1977). - And numerous other projects. The design of the Narmak residential neighborhoods in Tehran was also among Bank Rahni's works. 2-2- Around the same years that Bank Rahni was established, some Iranian
architects who had graduated from the Ecole des Beaux-Arts in Paris or Saint-Luc in Brussels and had also worked abroad for several years, returned to Iran and began their careers by joining government agencies or establishing private offices. Most of these architects, especially Vartan Hovanessian (1896-1982), Gabriel Guevrekian (1900-1970), and Paul Abkar (1896-1982), who are recognized as pioneers of early modern architecture in Iran, left behind numerous and enduring works in subsequent years. Among them, Vartan (in addition to designing
and executing numerous government and public buildings, as well as private houses and villas) also designed and built a large number of commercial, commercial-residential, and residential apartment buildings that still stand on the streets around the University of Tehran, Jomhouri, Enghelab, Saadi, Ferdowsi, and Lalehzar avenues, attracting the attention of passersby. Of course, besides these three, there were many other architects who left behind valuable works during this period. For example, a residential apartment building that Eugene Aftandilians (1913-1997), one of the distinguished professors of architecture at the
Tehran, Chaharsad Dastgah, District 16.
Jami Commercial-Residential Complex, Vartan Hovanessian, Tehran, corner of Hafez and Jami Streets, photo by Mohammad Nezhad Beriani.
Aerial photograph of the Behjat Abad apartment complex, Tehran. Behjat Abad apartment complex.
Akhavan Building, Vartan Hovanessian, Tehran, Enghelab Avenue, northwest facade, photo by Ali Khadem.
Tehran, Chaharsad Dastgah, District 14.
University of Tehran's Faculty of Fine Arts, built on Si-e Tir Street. He too had studied at the Ecole des Beaux-Arts in Paris. There are certainly other names and works that there is no space to address here. 2-3- In the later years of this period, during the 1960s and 1970s, as apartment living and apartment construction were gradually expanding, numerous apartment developments such as the high-rise Saadi, Hafez, and Khayyam apartment blocks, or the Hormazan Township in Shahrak-e Gharb, Shahrak-e Omid, the
ASP complex, Park Prince, and Atisaz in northern Tehran for the affluent classes, and smaller residential apartment complexes such as the Behjat Abad apartments, the Koushk residential complex in Shahrara, the Kan Quarter apartment blocks, and large townships such as Ekbatan and Apadana for the middle and moderate-income classes, and so forth, were executed by Iranian and foreign engineers and companies in the city of Tehran, as well as in other large, medium, and small cities throughout the country.
Tehran, Ekbatan, Phase 2.
Tehran, aerial photograph of the Saadi and Khayyam residential complex, Shahrak-e Gharb.
Aerial photograph of the Hormazan residential complex, Tehran. Hormazan residential complex, photo by Farrokh Hesamian.
Photo from atop Milad Tower, Shahrak-e Gharb, Nima Zarrin Parsa.
Tehran, Kan Quarter apartment complex.
3- Apartment Living and Apartment Construction in Post-Revolution Iran (1978 to the Present) This 46-year period can be divided into two parts: 3-1- First period: after the Revolution until the end of the Imposed War (1978-1988) During this ten-year period, the construction of high-rise apartments in Tehran was banned due to "overlooking" concerns, by the order of Engineer Seyfian, the then-mayor, and it was decreed that all new buildings constructed throughout the city of Tehran could have a maximum of two stories (either above a pilotis or a basement). Of course, in 1984, in some areas of Tehran, construction of three stories (above pilotis or basement) was also permitted, and consequently, until 1988 when the Imposed War ended, the situation remained as described. As a result, since demolition and reconstruction for two or three stories was not particularly economically viable, not many apartments were built either. Also during this period, township construction and the building of new residential apartment complexes and developments were virtually halted. 3-2- Second period: after the end of the Imposed War and the beginning of the so-called "Reconstruction Era" (from 1989 to the present) With the end of the Imposed War, the reconstruction of war damage, as well as the creation and development of essential infrastructure that had been halted due to the multiple crises of the first two years after the Revolution and also the eight years of war, were the most important tasks facing the government, requiring enormous capital whose financing was extremely difficult for various reasons (including various sanctions), and even seemed impossible. However, in the meantime, the renovation of the city of Tehran -- as the capital of the revolutionary government -- was considered one of the main priorities, which, beyond the necessity of addressing accumulated shortages and solving problems, was also very important for the government in terms of prestige at the global level. Of course, the scenario of relocating the capital had also been proposed and had supporters, but since feasibility studies conducted during those same years showed that carrying out such a project would require a very long time (between
15 to 25 years) and enormous investments, the government abandoned the idea of relocating the capital, and ultimately the project of renovating the city of Tehran was placed on the agenda. It is clear that the work that needed to be done in the country was enormous, and resources, especially financial ones, were very limited. Government assistance to large municipalities, particularly to the Municipality of Tehran, had been cut several years earlier under the "Self-Sufficiency of Large Municipalities Act" (Budget Law of 1983, and the regulation dated 1987). Even without such a law and regulation, the government at that time did not have the capacity to fund the renovation of the city of Tehran either. It was under such circumstances that "density-selling" (or the so-called "sale of surplus density") and "agreements" (on changing service land uses to residential and commercial) were placed on the government's agenda as the solution. The market, after ten years of waiting, was eager, and need and demand were also high. By adopting this approach and the authoritative and decisive management of Mr. Gholamhossein Karbaschi (Mayor of Tehran from 1989 to 1997), and by executing many projects that had been stalled for years on the ground (including and especially the expansion of Tehran's road and highway network, the network of parks and green spaces, the waste collection and disposal system, and improvement of various urban services and facilities, etc.), within a very short time the face of the capital was transformed, and the Municipality of Tehran also became a modern, well-equipped, and respectable organization. All the mayors who came after Mr. Karbaschi (whether reformist, principlist, or moderate) continued along the same path. Furthermore, following this success, the method of Tehran's municipality quickly became the model for other metropolises, and subsequently for all other municipalities throughout the country, and after them for governorates, and so on. And thus it was that gradually not only cities and villages, but also the shores of seas and lakes, pastures and forests, mountains, summer resort areas and pleasant climates,
Tehran, Pasdaran, Narenjestan-e Haftom. All post-Revolution photographs by Kiavan Salimi. Tehran, Sadr-Shariati intersection.
and the banks of rivers throughout the country were turned into arenas of widespread and indiscriminate dealing and agreement and transfer, and today we see its effects in every city and village and across the entire land of Iran. And it was in this context that over the past 35 years, with the continuous and relentless demolition of one- and two-story buildings (single or two-family), and the construction of 5, 6, and 7-story apartment buildings on land parcels of 100-150, 200, and 300-400 square meters, and even 10-12 story, 14-18 story, and 22-story buildings and taller, on land parcels of 500, 600, 700 square meters and more in central, eastern, western, and southern Tehran, the "residential apartment model" (with few and some exceptions) became the sole model for residential buildings in Tehran, and even in the northern areas and neighborhoods of Tehran -- Elahieh, Darrous, Gheytarieh, Niavaran, Aghdassiyeh ... and Zafaraniyeh and Velenjak and so on -- the houses and grand houses-gardens and villas that were once the residences of the city's affluent, not only could not withstand this onslaught, but became desirable and beloved areas for land and building investors, for countless and indiscriminate tower constructions ... And thus it was that the abundance of green spaces and beautiful gardens, towering trees, gardens and the magnificent vistas of the Alborz ... all, each and every one, rapidly perished ... And today the city of Tehran has for years been trapped in extraordinary population density, staggering traffic, deadly air pollution, and dozens of other problems, and it gets worse day by day.
4- Summary: Characteristics and Differences Between Pre- and Post-Revolution First, before addressing the subject of this section, which is presented under four headings, it is necessary to draw the readers' attention to several important differences in the country's situation before and after the Revolution: (1) The country's total population has grown from approximately 34 million at the time of the Revolution to over 86 million at present. (2) The population of the city of Tehran, which has been our primary
example throughout this study, has grown from approximately 5 million at the time of the Revolution to over 9 million at present, with an additional 8.5 million people living in the cities and settlements surrounding Tehran (within the Tehran metropolitan area). (3) Tehran's service boundary area at the time of the Revolution was approximately 180 square kilometers (Map 1), while today the entire 650-square-kilometer area designated in the 25-year plan of Tehran's first master plan (approved in 1968) has been occupied, and the number of Tehran's districts has increased from 12 to 22. (4) What has happened in the city of Tehran after the Revolution is generally true also of other metropolises (Mashhad, Isfahan, Tabriz, Shiraz, etc.) and other large and medium-sized cities throughout the country.
Characteristics and Differences 4-1- Degree of Social Acceptance and Diversity in Housing Models Before the Revolution, the majority of affluent classes residing in the pleasant and verdant northern areas of Tehran were happy and satisfied living in their villas and large, well-equipped houses. The middle and low-income classes were also content with their one- or two-story, courtyard-equipped, small, compact, and independent houses and had no desire or motivation for change. In fact, the target population of the first residential apartment complexes built in the 1940s was the low-income clerical class and workers who did not own homes. But it was from the late 1950s and through the 1960s that a small group from the affluent and upper-middle classes who were aware of modern European living and were advocates of modernity began to welcome the apartments built in central areas of the city by renowned architects, as well as the high-rise residential apartment complexes that were initially generally designed by foreign consulting engineers. From the early 1970s onward, when complexes like Atisaz or Ekbatan Township were built, living in high-rise residential apartments gradually became accepted among broader segments of the population. But
Tehran, Enghelab Avenue between College and Ferdowsi. Tehran, Farahzadi Boulevard, Aseman Street.
Tehran, Farahzadi Boulevard, Aseman Street.
independent single-unit, one- or two-story houses were still the dominant model of house construction. But after the Revolution, from the time the municipality was compelled to sell density to run city affairs (from 1989 onward), the situation rapidly transformed; with the setting aside of regulations that previously determined the maximum permitted number of residential units on a plot of land, the construction of residential apartments became possible on virtually all land of any size, and within a few years, apartment living became the only possibility for residence in the city for most people (from affluent to middle and low-income), and apartment construction -- primarily in the form of individual buildings -- also became the dominant model of house construction. During this period, as previously noted, aside from the completion of townships and residential complexes left unfinished from before, no significant work was done in the field of constructing new residential apartment complexes and developments in the city of Tehran.
4-2- Design Possibilities Before the Revolution, due to the diversity in apartment construction models, design possibilities were also varied and numerous. For example, in a township or residential complex, the design of the placement and relationship between building blocks, the organization and design of green spaces, grounds, rest and leisure areas for residents, children's playgrounds, swimming pools, pedestrian paths, open-air parking, entrance gates, and the walls or fences that define the boundaries of the township or complex -- all of these provided varied and numerous opportunities for the creativity of the designer or design team. Even in stand-alone residential "towers," the land size according to the urban planning regulations of the time was such that a significant portion was left for designing the spaces surrounding the building, and the building could be set back from the property boundaries, thus enabling greater variety in volume and form, the design of all building facades, and the provision of natural light and views outward, and so forth.
Tehran, Artesh Square, Taheri Alley.
Tehran, Artesh Square, Taheri Alley.
Tehran, Kamranieh, Shahbaz-Nezhad Alley. Tehran, Kamranieh, Shahbaz-Nezhad Alley.
But today, when the near-total majority consists of "single apartments" built on small land parcels (most of which previously could not accommodate apartment construction), and the buildings generally have only one main facade, and there is no space for landscaping, the building is often bounded on two sides by tall and short neighboring buildings, and the secondary facade (generally the northern facade) faces the courtyard and the neighbor's building -- in most cases only the building's main facade remains for the designer's artistry. 4-3- Quality of Works, and Architectural Styles and Tendencies Before the Revolution, and in the period from 1941 to 1978 examined in this essay, the principles and standards of various periods of modern architecture generally prevailed; including in the design of workers' and civil servants' housing complexes of the 1940s, or in the works of renowned architects such as Vartan Hovanessian and others, and later
in the townships and residential apartment complexes designed and executed for the affluent, upper-middle, and middle classes by foreign and domestic consultants. It was only from the early 1970s that the murmurs of criticism of modern architecture and the International Style, and the necessity of a link between tradition and modernity in architecture, reached Iran. Especially after the first "International Congress of World Architecture" held in September 1970 in Isfahan, with the presence of a group of world-renowned architects (including Louis Kahn, Paul Rudolph, Georges Candilis, and others) and prominent Iranian architects, the profession and academia became more familiar with global developments. The distinctive and innovative works of architects such as Nader Ardalan, who built the Bu-Ali Hamadan University buildings and the "Iran Center for Management Studies" (Imam Sadegh University), or Kamran Diba, who designed the Tehran Museum of Contemporary Art, the New City of Shushtar, and other works, are among the legacies of this period. But overall, it can be said that until the end of this period (1978), the principles and standards of modern architecture governed the mainstream of architecture. Consequently, virtually all the buildings
Tehran, Farmanieh, Pasdaran intersection.
Tehran, Niavaran, Marjan Street.
Tehran, Farmanieh, Pasdaran intersection. Tehran, Farmanieh, Gholamreza Hosseini Street.
and complexes that we have named, and even those that were not particularly (or not at all) important or striking, were generally simple, harmonious, and more or less pleasing -- even buildings constructed by ordinary people in the cities, if they were mundane and unremarkable, at least they were not offensive! But after the Revolution, it was postmodern architecture and the numerous and successive styles and tendencies that followed it that spread with remarkable speed; first, works inspired by history and tradition and culture -- and not only from ancient Iran or post-Islamic periods, but from ancient Greece and Rome and the Renaissance -- were built, and then deconstructivist architecture and high-tech architecture, and so forth. But in the architecture of residential apartment buildings that is our subject, the influence of these tendencies manifested itself only (or primarily) in the sole facade available for design (the main facade) in various forms. Although in the case of tall towers with sufficient land, opportunities also arose for creating twists and turns in the building's massing, or for projecting the volume of one floor beyond the main facades, or for creating gaps between two blocks, and so on. One day during those years, the late Dr. Ali Akbar Saremi, a renowned architect of his generation who also left behind valuable works, said in a meeting: "We have become completely bewildered; just as we begin to work in one style, another style becomes fashionable, and so forth..." The result was that most buildings, rather than being pleasing and delightful or a source of admiration, became causes for surprise and regret. 4-4- Impact on the Urban Skyline and Landscape The skyline and landscape of a city, and the image that forms of it in people's minds, is the product of numerous factors: the natural setting and climate (topography, mountains, terrain and soil type, rivers and streams, green spaces and trees, etc.) and the important physical and man-made elements (monuments, prominent government and public buildings, historical sites and grounds, old neighborhoods, and so forth, and finally squares
and streets). But among the physical and man-made elements, the "streets" and "squares" and the buildings constructed on both sides or around them are "among the most important" (and perhaps "the most important") elements that shape our mental image of the city, and it is indeed through these streets and squares that the views of natural scenery and the effects of sunlight and shade-light in the urban space are also perceived. Before the Revolution, Tehran's natural setting (which is our example) had not yet suffered much damage, as would later occur; the Alborz heights were visible from everywhere in the city in spring, summer, autumn, and winter. The hills and gardens and trees of northern Tehran were still alive and vibrant. The banks of the rivers that cascaded through the valleys of the Alborz and traversed Tehran from north to south before flowing out of the city had not yet been so extensively encroached upon. Many of the old neighborhoods and historically and culturally valuable fabrics had not yet been wounded or destroyed. The city's area had not yet expanded to the extent we witness today; and the central parts of the city had not yet been connected to the neighborhoods of Shahrara, Tehran Villa, Arya Shahr, Kan Quarter, etc. in the west, or to Tajrish and Shemiran in the north, or to Shahr-e Rey in the south. It was only from the early 1960s onward that the Keshavarz-Karimkhan boulevard axis, which until then had been Tehran's northern boundary, gave way to the streets of Takht-e Tavoos and Abbasabad (later Motahhari and Beheshti). Furthermore, in most residential neighborhoods that account for the major portion of the city's area (approximately 40 percent), independent courtyard houses of one or two stories were still the dominant housing model in the city, and apartment buildings or residential apartment complexes had not yet taken their place, and the appearance of most streets and the facades lining both sides were still low-rise, calm, and in many places more or less uniform and harmonious. After the Revolution, however, with the commencement and continuation of density-selling over the past 35 years,
Tehran, Ferdowsi Square.
the continuous expansion of the city's area, relentless construction, and the imposition and enforcement of regulations that permitted the construction of virtually any building anywhere, and so on -- everything was transformed; a large portion of natural resources and landscapes, and historically and culturally valuable buildings and sites were destroyed or seriously damaged, and so forth ... And with the occupation of the entire 650-square-kilometer legally designated area of the city, the physical body of the city of Tehran was transformed into a vast and dense mass of buildings -- 4, 5, 6-story buildings and high-rise towers ... and the buildings on both sides of all alleys and streets became a chaotic rainbow of different architectural styles in the facades of short and tall buildings constructed side by side and attached to one another. And today, perhaps the only streets that still possess any beauty are those where rows of tall, mature trees have managed to partially conceal the face of what has been built behind them! Of course, it is obvious that what we have said was never intended as nostalgia or grieving for the past. And we do believe in the necessity and the "principle of change and transformation"; over these years, the population kept growing, cities inevitably grew larger and developed -- but not in the way that it happened. This inevitable change and development could have been managed and guided in a way that would not have been accompanied by such irreparable damages. But for various reasons that require another occasion to explain, this was not to be.
Final Words As we have seen, through this concise review of the developments of the past eighty years and the presentation of a realistic picture (or one very close to reality) of the deplorable situation in which the city of Tehran and many other cities in the country find themselves, as well as the description of the numerous limitations and obstacles that architects face -- especially in designing residential apartment buildings (which constitute the majority of buildings in Tehran) -- we have clearly demonstrated that under these
conditions, how difficult it is to design a building that is ideal, desirable, and even acceptable in every respect. (Of course, understanding these conditions is virtually impossible, especially for foreign jurors.) It is clear that even if architects have at some point played a role in exacerbating the disorderliness and anomalies of the city's skyline and landscape, this role is negligible compared to the enormous dimensions of what has transpired over these years; though perhaps the only criticism that can be leveled is at some of the imitations, or the exaggerations in ostentation and self-display, or the insistence on being different at any cost, and so forth, in past years. However, fortunately, it appears that over the past one to two decades, a small number of architects from the newer generations have reached a level of maturity and sophistication and independence that enables them to have their own distinct language and expression. Some of the works that participate in the residential apartment buildings category of the Memar Award, especially among those that pass through the initial selection stages and are presented for judging, in my view fall within this group.
But in any case, what is done is done, and what should not have happened (or could have been avoided) has happened, and among the dozens and hundreds of problems that have been brought upon the city and the Tehran metropolitan area over the past 35 years, architecture and architects can do little. Except that, if they can, to the extent possible, refrain from "insisting on their work being different at any cost," adopt a more rational approach based on maximum simplicity and modesty, content themselves with creating pleasing and harmonious proportions and the precise and correct selection and use of materials, and also invest more of themselves in enhancing the efficiency and functionality of the building's interior spaces. Of course, if the pressures and tendencies of the market and the level of public taste allow it!?
Footnotes: 1- In this article, in describing the characteristics of apartment living and apartment construction in Iran before and after the Revolution, our primary focus has been on the city of Tehran, but Tehran has been only an example (albeit an important and defining one), and what has been written about post-Revolution Tehran is also true of other metropolises and most of Iran's large and medium-sized cities. 2- History of urban form, before the industrial revolutions, translated by Razieh Rezazadeh, Iran University of Science and Technology Publications, first edition, 1995. 3- The history of the city, translated by Parvaneh Movahed, University Publishing Center, Tehran, first edition, 1990. 4- Space time and architecture, translated by Dr. Manouchehr Mozayeni, Translation and Book Publishing Agency, first edition, 1971. 5- Information regarding the history of Bank Rahni's establishment and activities was sourced from the internet. 6- This project was built on a site that today is one of the neighborhoods of Tehran's District 14 municipality, known as the "Chaharsad Dastgah Neighborhood." Of course, the majority of these buildings were destroyed during the subsequent indiscriminate expansions and also the construction of the Imam Ali Expressway, and only a small portion of them remains. 7- Article by Behrouz Pakdaman in the book Tehran, Volume One, Roshangaraan Publications, Tehran, first edition, winter 1991. 8- Vartan Hovanessian Memorial, The Emergence of Modern Architecture in Iran, by Behrouz Pakdaman, Iranian Society of Consulting Engineers, June 1983. 9- Including properties that are either awaiting probate or entangled in disputes with goodwill holders in ground-floor shops, or properties whose owners are not yet ready or do not have the conditions for demolition and reconstruction. - Pre-Revolution unfinished townships or residential complexes that needed to be completed by finishing unfinished blocks or constructing remaining blocks from the previous plan; including Ekbatan Township, Shahrak-e Omid, Atisaz complexes, Hormazan in Shahrak-e Gharb, and others. - Also, the construction of several new residential apartment complexes within Tehran's limits for civil servants' cooperatives, such as Faraz Quarter in Saadat Abad for the artists' cooperative, whose structural problems and completion and handover took years, as well as numerous residential apartment complexes for workers' and civil servants' cooperatives in new towns around Tehran (Pardis, Hashtgerd, Parand, etc.), which, apart from various problems in terms of access to the road network, utilities (especially water), and common and private facilities, many of them remain unfinished and have become a burden on the government and the Ministry of Roads and Urban Development, including in connection with "Mehr Housing" and others. But among them, the largest and most catastrophic is the long row of apartment blocks on both sides of the Navab Expressway, about which you can refer to the article "The Lost Neighborhood" in Memar Magazine issue 141.
Tehran, Farmanieh, Gholamreza Hosseini Street.